UK economy grows at fastest rate in six years in 2013

Britain's economy in 2013 recorded its fastest annual growth since the financial crisis despite a slight slowdown in the last three months of the year, official data showed on Tuesday.

Supporting expectations for a bright 2014, Britain's gross domestic product rose by 0.7 percent in the fourth quarter, the Office for National Statistics said - in line with economists' forecasts for a small reduction from the third quarter's pace.

This rapid rate of growth - which is above Britain's long-run trend - is likely to increase speculation about when the Bank of England will raise record-low interest rates.

BoE Governor Mark Carney has said there is no need for rates to rise anytime soon, as Britain's total output is still well below pre-crisis levels. But unemployment has fallen far faster than the bank forecast in August, raising questions about what long-term inflation pressures might be building in the economy.

Tuesday's quarterly GDP figure took Britain's full-year growth for 2013 up to 1.9 percent from just 0.3 percent the year before. This is the highest since 2007, although total output is still 1.3 percent below the pre-financial crisis peak reached in the first three months of 2008 - a weaker situation than in almost all other big advanced economies.

A long list of economic indicators over the last few months have suggested Britain's economy is recovering faster than either policymakers or independent forecasters predicted.

Data from the Confederation of British Industry released earlier on Tuesday suggest 2013's strong growth had continued into January.

Figures last week showed British unemployment plunged to within a whisker of the Bank of England's level for considering an increase in interest rates, but the central bank stressed it would be in no rush to act.

Tuesday's figures will also be a boon for Britain's coalition government.

With growing evidence the recovery is gaining strength, opinion polls for the 2015 election suggest the Conservative-led government still lags behind the Labour opposition, which says Britons have been hurt by the rising cost of living.

Output in Britain's service sector - which makes up more than three quarters of GDP - rose by 0.8 percent in the fourth quarter, maintaining its pace from the previous months, which was the fastest in a year.

But industrial output growth slowed to 0.7 percent from 0.8 percent, as the strongest manufacturing growth since the third quarter of 2010 proved insufficient to offset falling North Sea oil and gas output.

Construction - which accounts for less than 8 percent of GDP - fell by 0.3 percent, reflecting a weak November.

A survey on Monday showed British households have a growing sense of job security and declining fears that inflation is driving prices higher.

So far, the recovery has been fuelled by consumer spending and an upturn in the housing market, although BoE policymakers over the last week have said they expect business investment to begin making a contribution later in the year.

Critics of the government's economic policies say its attempts to revive the housing market will not help bring about the long-hoped for rebalancing of Britain's economy towards more manufacturing and exports.

The ONS's preliminary estimates of GDP are among the first in the European Union, and are based partly on estimated data. On average, they are revised by 0.1-0.2 percentage points up or down by the time a third estimate is published two months later.

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British wage-earners have taken £5,000 pay cut in five years, figures show

Government figures will fuel debate about living standards before 2015 general election

Britain's wage-earners have taken a £5,000 pay cut in the past five years, according to government figures, suggesting ministers will struggle to engender a feelgood factor before the 2015 general election.

The figures published by the Office for National Statistics show wages and salaries for the middle fifth of non-retired households fell from £33,100 in 2007-08 to £28,300 in 2011-12. Over the same period original income, which is the income households get from employment and investments, fell from £37,900 to £32,600, while cash benefits rose from £3,100 to £4,600.

The figures will fuel the debate about living standards before the general election, and about whether the government has done enough to protect the typical wage-earner.

The figures confirm that the earnings squeeze pre-dates the 2007 recession, appearing to endorse Ed Miliband's claim that the link between wages and growth has been broken, one of his chief justifications for his willingness to intervene in the market. The report says: "While GDP per person continued to grow at similar rates between 2004-5 and 2007-8, growth of median household income slowed to a fifth of its previous rate in the years immediately before the start of the economic downturn."

The Treasury will be fervently hoping that it will be able to show the link has been restored in 2014, either because economic growth is so strong or because it has taken steps to make work pay with its welfare reforms.

But the figures also show that despite the big rise in personal allowances due to budget decisions by the Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives, median household income for the overall population has fallen by 3.8%, after adjusting for inflation, since the start of the downturn.

However, while the median income for non-retired households fell by 6.4% between 2007-08 and 2011-12, the median income for retired households grew by 5.1%.

Between 2007-08 and 2011-12, average income from employment and investments for the middle fifth of non-retired households fell from £37,900 to £32,600.

Cash benefits for the middle fifth of non-retired households rose from £3,100 to £4,600 between 2007-08 and 2011-12. As a result, the average proportion of gross income coming from cash benefits increased from 7.6% to 12.3% for this group.

Average direct taxes paid by the middle fifth of non-retired households have fallen from £8,700 in 2007-08 to £6,800 in 2011-12. As a percentage of gross income, this is equivalent to a fall from 21.1% to 18.3%.

Looking over a longer period between 1977 and 2011-12, the middle fifth of households saw an increase in unequivalised gross income from £18,500 to £30,100, after taking inflation into account.

The report confirms the extent to which the reforms have hit middle incomes, but also the way in which the retired have been relatively immunised, confirming there is an issue of inter-generational fairness to be addressed. The retired median household income is still much lower in absolute terms than non-retired income.

The Treasury countered the figures with its own report showing wage growth had followed GDP growth in the previous two recessions. It says that although wages have shrunk, this disguises the extent to which workers have been subsidised by higher company pension contributions or higher national insurance contributions.

The Resolution Foundation, a thinktank that specialises in this policy field, said: "It is striking that there was a pronounced slowing in the growth of median household incomes even before the years of economic downturn. It confirms that between 2004 and 2008 income growth slowed to a fifth of its previous rate, even as GDP growth kept up a consistent pace. This underlines Resolution Foundation work highlighting the major slowdown in wages and incomes that occurred well before the great recession.

"The figures also reveal a dramatic generational difference – with the incomes of working-age households falling by more than 6% since 2008 while those of retired households have continued to rise. The pre-crisis slowdown is likely to have been even starker if we looked only at working-age households."

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George Osborne's credibility gap

The chancellor claims he'll balance the books and avoid tax rises. But his record so far is of failure

The party conference season doesn't always change the political weather. This year it has. Ed Miliband's decision to stand up to the power companies in the face of market failure struck a loud chord with the public. And no, it's not anti-business to challenge such failures.

His jibe that the rising economic tide would lift only yachts, struck a raw nerve with the Tories. So they rushed out measures to help home buyers, despite real fears of a housing bubble. They announced a married couples' allowance worth less than £4 a week. They promised to freeze fuel duty. The funding of these promises, costing more than £2bn, is to be met from some unidentified source. Strange that when Labour makes promises, the Tories claim it will mean more borrowing, yet it's fine for them to make unfunded promises.

The Tories have also changed their tune on the economy. In September George Osborne claimed to have slain the dragon of downturn. Many economists have their doubts. It was also bad politics. A dead dragon poses no political threat. So this week the beast has been resurrected: it's not over, after all.

The chancellor promises another six or seven years of austerity. After that, he claims he will balance the books. This raises questions about both the credibility and the desirability of his promise. On credibility, consider the facts: in 2010 the economy was growing and we still had ourtriple-A rating – yet at the time Osborne claimed we were like Greece. More than that, he said he would balance the books by 2015.

Today, having moved considerably from his original plans, he is borrowing 68% more than he promised. He will borrow £96bn in election year alone. The deficit, far from being eradicated, is still at £120bn. Osborne's debt reduction target has been kicked into the far distance, and the effect of many of the cuts pencilled in for the next few years has yet to be felt.

So the chancellor's record is not good.

Is it really credible to deliver the scale of the cuts needed to balance the books and avoid tax rises, as Osborne now says it is? Not without economic growth it isn't – something that the prime minister seemed to concede in his speech yesterday. Is it credible to deliver a 20% real cut in the police budget, both in this parliament and the next?

There are two issues here. First, what sort of services will the public get if they are hacked back on this scale? The Tories need to tell us. Second, the Conservatives' rhetoric often implies that the public sector is bad and the private sector the only good. Yet, for example, this country's future depends on the quality of our education, not just for the few but for the many. And what price do we put on good quality health care, let alone the increasing costs of caring for a growing elderly population?

This is a debate we must have. It is essential to bring down our borrowing and debt. It's worth remembering that in 1997 Britain's debt was the second highest in the G7. A decade on, it was the second lowest. But these reductions must be delivered both credibly and in a way that does not damage the UK's economic and social fabric. The best way of doing that is to get sustainable growth. To promise a balanced budget, come what may, carries the risk of damaging cuts and unacceptable tax rises.

Although economic growth seems to be returning, it is still lagging way below what was expected by now. What we produce as a country, our GDP, is not likely to return to its pre-crisis levels until 2018. This government is not on strong ground, either in blaming the crisis on the spending it supported in opposition, or on the credibility of its performance since the election.

The Labour party will stay in the middle ground, promoting enterprise and growth and never afraid to challenge market failures. Nor should we be scared to make the case that the public and a thriving private sector need each other. We need them both.

Article Source : http://www.guardian.co.uk

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